Shocking Hamas Assault on Israel
Echoes 1973 Yom Kippur Intelligence Failure
In an unprecedented
pre-dawn attack, Hamas militants launched at least 2,500 rockets into
southern Israel as its fighters invaded towns nearby the Gaza Strip by land,
sea and air—via paragliders—killing at least 150 Israelis, wounding
another 1,100 and kidnapping others, making it the deadliest and most
audacious attack on Israel in years. The scope,
complexity and timing of the attack stunned Israelis, who were marking the
joyous Simchat Torah holiday. For many it resurrected bitter memories of
the combined Egyptian-Syrian surprise attack that caught Israel off guard in
1973 on Yom Kippur, the holiest day on the Jewish calendar. It also echoed a
late-1980s assault by Palestinian militants who crossed from Lebanon into
northern Israel on hang-gliders and killed six Israeli soldiers. As Israelis huddled in bomb shelters
under intense rocket barrages, Israel television broadcast images of Hamas
gunmen dragging an Israeli soldier out of tank near the Gaza Strip, of the
militants ferrying captured Israeli soldiers and civilians into Gaza on
motorcycles and parading seized Israeli military vehicles through the streets
of the densely crowded coastal enclave. The Associated
Press reported videos on social media showing what appeared
to be at least one dead Israeli soldier being dragged through a Gaza street
as an angry Palestinian crowd trampled his corpse and chanted “Allahu Akbar!”
(“God is great!”) Hamas said it was holding “dozens” of prisoners. “The capture of soldiers and civilians
is beyond imagination and unbearable,” Roberta Fahn Schoffman, a Jerusalem
resident, wrote in a hurried text from a bomb shelter in the city.
“They are reporting 100 dead, but bodies in the street not counted. It’s
terrible.” She added: “A shitshow like this has
not been seen here, not even in the Yom Kippur war. Nightmare.” Israelis run for their lives WAR
DECLARED
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As Israeli warplanes retaliated with air strikes on Hamas
targets inside the Gaza Strip, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu called up the
reserves and declared Israel was now in a state of war with Hamas.
“We are at war,”
Netanyahu said in a televised address, declaring the
mass military mobilization “Not an ‘operation,’ not a ‘round,’ but at war.”
“The
enemy will pay an unprecedented price,” he added, promising that Israel would
“return fire of a magnitude that the enemy has not known.”
According
to the Palestinian Health Ministry in Gaza, the Israeli strikes so far had
killed at least 198 people in the Gaza Strip and wounded at least 1,610.
But
Netanyhu’s vows to punish Hamas could not dispel the reality that Israel once
again had been caught off-guard, just as it had been in 1973.
Lt.
Col. Richard Hecht, an Israel military spokesman, would not comment on how
Hamas, widely viewed as a rag-tag militia, had managed to surprise Israel’s
vaunted intelligence services and far superior armed forces.
“That’s a good
question,” he told reporters.
While
the fighting, which is still underway, is certain to exact a heavy toll on
Hamas and the Gaza Strip, the surprise attack may prove a major political blow
to Netanyahu and his far-right coalition partners. Political commentators have
already begun castigating the government and its intelligence services for failing
to see signs of a sophisticated attack that must have taken months to plan and
coordinate.
After the Yom Kippur
war, an independent commission of inquiry blamed the Israeli military for the
intelligence failure that led to the country’s forces being taken by surprise.
In a controversial ruling, the commission exonerated then-Prime Minister Golda
Meir and Defense Minister Moshe Dayan, but many Israelis to this day also hold
them responsible for the
intelligence failure.
It’s
too early to say what the political repercussions of the Hamas attack will be,
but it comes during a time of deep divisions within Israel over the Netanyahu
government’s plan to weaken the country’s independent judiciary. For the past
ten months, tens of thousands of Israelis have held massive street
demonstrations against the plan, and dozens of reservists, including members of
the Mossad and Shin Bet intelligence branches, have refused to report for duty
in protest.
It’s
possible a beleaguered Netanyahu could blame the protesting reservists for the
intelligence failure—a response that almost certainly would divide Israelis even
further.
Allies Rally
Diplomatically,
Israel’s U.S. and European allies have rallied to its defense, condemning the
Hamas attack and supporting Israel’s right to defend itself.
“The U.S.
unequivocally condemns the unprovoked attacks by Hamas terrorists against
Israeli civilians,” said Adrienne Watson, spokeswoman for the White House
National Security Council. “We stand firmly with the government and people of
Israel and extend our condolences for the Israeli lives lost in these attacks.”
But
the attack comes as the Biden administration appears close to brokering a
normalization of relations between Israel and Saudi Arabia. Iran, which
restored relations with Saudi Arabia in March after years of proxy warfare but
remains an implacable foe of Israel, has made no secret of its opposition to
Saudi recognition of Israel, and the attack by Hamas, an Iranian proxy, makes
it harder for Riyadh to take such a step.
In
a statement, Saudi Arabia urged both Israel and Hamas to exercise restraint.
But the fighting underscored the difficulties Riyadh faces if it moves forward
with normalization without winning meaningful concessions from Israel regarding
an end to its 56-year occupation of Palestinian territories and recognition of
Palestinian political rights.
Saudi
Arabia said it had repeatedly warned about “the dangers of the situation
exploding as a result of the continued occupation (and) the Palestinian people
being deprived of their legitimate rights.”
If the Israeli
response proves excessively disproportionate, there is the possibility that
Hezbollah, Iran’s proxy in Lebanon, could join in the fighting, opening a
second front on Israel’s northern border. Iran has armed Hezbollah with more
than 150,000 rockets, some of which are precision-guided and capable of hitting
Israel’s military bases, its oil refineries in Haifa and its nuclear reactor in Dimona. The last time Israel and Hezbollah went to
war was in 2006.
“The
big worry is what Hezbollah takes away from the Hamas success,” said Ze'ev
Chafets, a former Israeli government official. “We need to dissuade (Hezbollah
Secretary General Hassan) Nasrallah by turning Gaza into Dresden.”
The reference to Dresden, shorthand for the controversial 1945
U.S.-British air raid that killed up to 25,000 German
civilians, reflects the extreme emotions among Israel hardliners triggered
by the Hamas attacks. Whether Netanyahu acts on those emotions is an open question.
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