A week after the
Brussels Jewish Museum massacre, French journalist Nicolas Hénin
recognized alleged shooter Mehdi Nemmouche, pictured above, aka Abou Omar (his nom de guerre) as his jailer in Syria, where he and
three other French reporters were held hostage by ISIS between June 2013 and
April 2014. The identification of Nemmouche as an active long-term member of
ISIS suggests the complexity and menace of the cycle by which disaffected
Muslims from the West are sucked into anti-Western and anti-Semitic ideologies
that can lead them to the battlefields of the Middle East and then back home.
It also raises troubling questions about what French security agencies and
other European authorities knew about Nemmouche.
Jems Foley with Nicolas Henin behind him |
“I was in a rest-cure clinic in Germany,”
Henin wrote in his newspaper Le Point last week, of the moment when pictures
of Nemmouche were first published by the press. “They were not good pictures.
With a lot of pixels as if they’d been faxed. But the air of familiarity
hypnotized me. I said to myself, ‘Impossible, it can’t be him.’ I spent a long
night of insomnia with my computer on my knees. Abou Omar was getting to me one
more time like a ghost from Syria.”
Abou Omar was
Nemmouche’s war name while he trained for two years with ISIS as part of a
French section of the jihadist army that has taken over large swaths of Syria
and Iraq. He is described by his ex-captives as an exceptionally brutal
psychopath who delighted in beating his prisoners. He seems to have been
especially enthusiastic in his efforts against Syrian detainees, whom he
sometimes tortured all night long (the journalists could hear them screaming
until the beginning of the morning prayer). With French prisoners, Nemmouche
appeared to be more of two minds, sometimes beating them up, sometime coming
into their cell to sing French songs (most notably Charles Trenet’s “Douce
France”), to comment on Faites Entrer L’accusé (“show in the accused”), a
popular criminal TV show he used to follow from his computer, or for friendly
chit-chat about his future plans, one of which apparently involved a planned
attack on July 14 in Paris targeting French President Francois Hollande (“That
day, I will do five times Merah,” he is reported to have said, in reference to Mohamed Merah,
the Toulouse killer). At some point, Nemmouche may also have been the jailer of
American reporter James Foley, who
was detained along with the French journalists and whose gruesome videotaped
beheading by ISIS last month was cited by President Barack Obama in his announcement this week of a long-term American
military effort targeting the group.
Now in jail in
Belgium, Nemmouche is defended by two Belgian lawyers, Henri Naquay, who
supported the French extreme-right-wing leader Jean-Marie Le Pen in 2007, and
Sébastien Courtois, lawyer of the Islamic Belgium Center, who was sued for
anti-Semitism in 2009. Both are also lawyers and personal friends with the
French comedian Dieudonné.
The information published by Le
Monde on Sept. 6,
which was based on documents passed on this summer by the General Direction of
Domestic Security (DGSI) to the antiterrorist section of the public
prosecutor’s department, raises a number of disturbing questions:
1. When did French and European authorities
first learn of Nemmouche’s return to Europe, and what did they know about him
prior to the Jewish Museum attack?
Nemmouche left Syria in December 2013.
European intelligence traces him to Istanbul, from where he left, in February
of 2014, for southeast Asia, starting a trip that would take him to Malaysia
and Singapore. He then landed in Frankfurt, where German police spotted him and
passed his name on to French intelligence agencies. Whether Nemmouche went to
France from there—in which case French intelligence missed him—or went straight
to Brussels is, at this point, unclear.
2. Why is the news of Nemmouche’s
involvement in the ISIS kidnapping of French journalists only breaking now?
It appears that the four French journalists,
who were released by ISIS, made a deal with the French intelligence service not
to divulge this piece of information—the official motive being to try to
protect other hostages still detained by ISIS, a concern that would have become
obsolete after the murders of James Foley and Steven Sotloff. (It was my experience when working counter-terrorism in Iraq that French journalists cooperated with terrorists in Iraq in order to get their stories. A French journalist was captured in the Matt Maupin ambush and then released.) This version of
events does not entirely jibe with the fact that the news was first released by Le
Monde, who got wind of it through an off-the-record judiciary
source. Only after Le Monde broke the news did Nicolas Hénin
testify. Another hostage, Didier François, confirmed the news but complained
that to public that it was “irresponsible” and “endangered the life of other
prisoners.”
3. How safe is Europe from returning
jihadists with European passports?
French authorities appear to have been
embarrassed by the news—and not just by the fact that a French citizen could
torture other Frenchmen for months. Whether or not Nemmouche came back to
France from Frankfurt or went straight to Brussels is almost beside the point:
Once back in EU territory, he could move pretty much as he wished, due to the
absence of internal borders. One possible measure of the significance of this
future threat is how hard French authorities seem to be working to downplay the
news, and the Minister of the Interior has denied the existence of a planned
terror attack for July 14.
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